Showing posts with label Mythology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mythology. Show all posts

Monday, 25 August 2025

"New Zealand lacks a national unifying myth"

 

"New Zealand lacks a national unifying myth that embodies the shared views of the country’s history and future. The loss of a common national story is central to many of News Zealand’s problems. Myths explain our history, chart a path to the future and help bind the country together.
    "Richard Slotkin, who has written extensively about the various mythologies underpinning the United States experience, suggests that ‘myths are the stories – true, untrue, half-true – that ... provide an otherwise loosely affiliated people with models of patriotic action.’ A more formal dictionary definition suggests that myths may be popular traditions embodying core social values* ...
    "There have been a number of what may be described as archetypal experiences in New Zealand history that could approach a 'mythological' status that reflect the embodiment of some of the values that underpin the national identity. ANZAC immediately comes to mind. Wartime activity and service brings a people together often because national survival is at stake.
    "Then there is the 'man alone' myth that underpins much of Jock Phillips writing, along with the Kiwi do-it-yourself 'number 8 wire' approach to problem solving. Sport tends to be a unifier but primarily a hysterical support for the All Blacks which rapidly diminishes if the team does anything but win. Sport is meant to demonstrate resilience in the fact of adversity but not, it would seem, on the part of the fans.
    "Historians are well positioned to invent and develop new national stories. ... But historians have not taken on the task of devising a coherent national mythology that can bring unity to a fractured nation. Instead, students are being taught radically different versions of the nation’s past. All this reflects not simply divergent opinions on specific issues, but disagreements about the fundamental character of our institutions and the purposes of our nation.
    "One myth which did possess a unifying feature but which has been badly eroded is the position of the Treaty of Waitangi. The treaty established a foundation for equal citizenship, one people with equal recognition under the law.
    "Hobson at the signing of the Treaty is reputed to have said 'He iwi tahi tatou – 'we are now one people.' ... The problem is that in many respects myths [like this one] contain a great deal of invention and not a lot of evidence. But Hobson’s Pledge, whether it was said or not, provides a solid background for a national identity and the foundation for a common purpose. We should be one people. We should acknowledge our differences but our shared objective should be a unity of purpose. And with that unity of purpose we can become ... a country with well-educated people, who enjoy the lifestyle their unique setting offers and the good health that goes with that ..." 
~ Thomas Cranmer from his post 'A Common Purpose and a National Mythology'
* Myths are not a lie, explains mythologist Joseph Campbell, and to call them that is a misunderstanding — 
"a very strong and narrow opinion of what a myth 'is.' Someone who, perhaps, has only been exposed to the negative use of the term as a phrase for something that is seen as a 'mistruth.' Something told with the intent to deceive, or from the vantage point of a naive or uneducated mind. For many, calling something a 'myth' is to associate it with a profound deception: a feeble or unsophisticated attempt to explain material reality before the advent of the scientific age. Some see the term as an equivalent to the more modern 'fake news.' 
    "The contemporary conception of myth as falsehood has led people to think of myths as fairytales (another complex story structure that is often dismissed as containing much less essential truth than they actually do).
    "But for Campbell, myth presents a version of the truth that is far more essential than that which can be gleaned from almanacs, censuses, and encyclopaedias, whose 'facts' are dependent on the experience of the field of time and are often outdated as soon as they are published."
Writer Robert A. Johnson sums it up, saying "Myths are a special kind of literature not written or created by a single individual, but produced by the imagination and experience of an entire age and culture, and can be seen as the distillation of the dreams and experiences of a whole culture." 

So neither unimportant nor trivial. And certainly not a lie.

Friday, 6 March 2020

The Problem of the Meeting House


Hotunui, built in 1878 as a wedding gift for Wēpiha’s sister, Mereana, who was marrying
a Ngāti Maru leader. The house now stands in the Auckland War Memorial Museum. [Source: Te Ara]
Everyone knows what the modern marae looks like -- the marae form itself is as old as the culture the Polynesians brought here:
By the time Abel Tasman’s crew dragged their waka onto the shores of New Zealand, the ‘classical’ forms and arrangement of Maori architecture were in evidence: a Polynesian-derived marae around which was gathered chiefly and family residences.
The marae is the hub, the space around which the places are organised. The problem is with the meeting house. The meeting house (wharenui) is the focus of the modern marae. But while the marae form itself dates back to the Polynesian years, the meeting house itself is modern.  Like many things Maori, it is a development that integrates cultures.

The focus of the pre-European marae was not the wharenui. The focus of the pre-European marae was the chief’s house, around which conversation and ritual would happen.

The term Whare Nui simply means “big house.” Whare Rununga literally means “meeting house.” Whare Whakairo means “carved house” – a house transformed by ornament. “Whakairo is quality, the difference between crudity and elegance, animal and human, nature as opposed to culture.” [1] Legend has it that the form and ornamentation of the great wharenui was stolen from the sea god Tangaroa by his grandson Ruatepupuke. [2] Aggravated by Ruatepupuke’s son Hui-te-ana-nui fishing with a “magic hook” withoutfirst paying respect to the sea god, Tangaroa dragged him down to the bottom of the sea. Whereupon Ruatepupuke set out to rescue his son, discovering down in the sea’s depth an underwater village – the houses covered in carvings that spoke and sang to each other. Rescuing his son and some of the carvings, he brought them back to the land. If we listen carefully, the carvings still retain their ability to speak to us …

The Whare Whakairo is said to symbolically represent both the Maori cosmology, the carved pou (posts) separating the earth mother and sky father (Rangi and Papa), and a tribe’s ancestors – the parts of the whare whakairo itself representing a particular ancestor.

The porch, marae atea, provides an important space in every New Zealand home: covered outdoor space. In a village setting, the marae atea fronts onto the marae itself, the open space at the centre of the village – like the Greek or Roman forum -- becoming the stage set for conversation, performance and debate.

The ornamentation is highly accomplished, transcending its East Polynesian roots, the carving becoming even more detailed as European contact delivered steel tools.

The wonder of this is that for all the talk of its long history, the classic whare whakairo itself is so young.
Although the carved meeting-house is now popularly considered the focal-point for any Maori settlement, there is little evidence for the pre-European existence of the meeting-house as it is now known. [3]  
The meeting-house as we know it today is a recent development combining elements of chief’s house, temporary guest-house and church. In earlier times, the marae (ceremonial area) was in front of the house of the chief, a dwelling house which was slightly larger than the ordinary and often decorated with carving. [4]
This arrangement can be seen in photographs of the Maori king’s house at Ngaruawahia in the 1860s:

It was Christianity, which arrived in 1814, that would have the greatest influence on Maori buildings, its teaching, gospel and [neo]Gothic architecture leading to the construction of Maori churches – such as those at Waikanae, Otaki and Manutake – and more significantly, the East Coast meeting house, at Turanga [Gisborne] in the early 1840s by the Rongowhakaata tribe signified the amalgamation of the mana and function of the chief’s house, with the rich decorations of the pataka [elevated food store], and the scale of a small church. [5]
Look at the dates that the first major meeting houses were erected: Te Hau-ki-Tūranga, early 1840s; Taiporohenui, 1854; Maatatua, 1875; Hotonui, 1878; 

It's said that one reason medieval cathedral building took off in Europe was that it was a post-millenarian celebration -- a superstitious population having survived the magic date of 1000AD could now shake off a few of the shackles and celebrate. Perhaps the same could be said of the major meeting houses, many of whom all appear soon after the major land wars. Not so much a symbol of the late-century "decline" so often spoken about but a sign instead of resilience. The relative youth of the concept was in fact a sign of the culture's continuing vigour.

Yet the idea that the meeting-house had a long rather than a recent history “survived in popular architectural history long after it had been abandoned by academic discussion… The story seems to have more force than its denial.”[6]

The important part of this story is what it reveals: Maori embracing the new (steel tools, English building, missionary teaching) displaying thereby a cultural capacity for very rapid change. While popular history insisted instead on seeing Maori culture as something preserved in amber, and on the decline.

So the real “problem of the meeting house” is not the age of these buildings, but that this popular misconception seems to be part of denying this capacity for change, for which there is abundant evidence throughout their long migratory history. Here was a culture that arrived here only recently and was still maturing; having grown out of societies in which for thousands of years change was their only constant: societies eagerly seeking new horizons – quite literally, out there on the oceans! And right from their arrival in c. 1250, as East Polynesians, they began transforming themselves again, -- both themselves and their culture – adapting first to the new more temperate land, then to the death of the moa, to slowly and ingeniously becoming New Zealanders – and then right on to their embrace, when Europeans first visited, of new foods, new tools, new ideas and new trading opportunities. Their house forms themselves reflected a “strong continuity” over this time, but “detail changed over the centuries and from region to region,” while their settlements here exhibited “a bewildering variety of size and shape.”[7]

This was not the Egyptians who were virtually stagnant for 5,000 years, nor the Australian Aboriginal for 60,000. This was a culture eager to explore and try out new things, one used to change and ever-ready to embrace it.
However, until very recently, most scholarship on classic Maori culture assumed an unchanging, standardised ‘traditional’ cultural configuration that had persisted for hundreds of years before European contact, only disintegrating during the nineteenth century under the colonial European impact. [8]
In this patronising view,
many items and cultural practices now recognised as originating in the nineteenth century were projected back into the past and employed as a spurious reconstruction of pre-European traditional Maori culture. A prime example has been those accounts that accepted the fully carved meeting house as part of the pre-European cultural repertoire.
The real problem here is the ongoing denial of Maori cultural capacity for change.


[1]Hirini Mead, quoted in ‘Ten Questions With Damian Skinner,’ https://www.tepapa.govt.nz/about/te-papa-press/our-authors/damian-skinner-biography-and-interview#questions(accessed 17 December 2019)
[2]‘Legendary Origins of Carving,’ Te Ara, https://teara.govt.nz/en/whakairo-maori-carving/page-1(accessed 17 December 2019)
[3]Janet M. Davidson, ‘The Polynesian Foundation,’ in B.R Williams and W.H. Oliver, The Oxford History of New Zealand (1981), p. 15
[4]David Simmons, Whakairo; Maori Tribal Art(1987), p. 39
[5]Deirdre Brown, Maori Architecture (20xx), p. 47
[6]Paul Litterick, The Lost Bungalow and Other Stories, PhD thesis (2016), p. 48
[7]Janet M. Davidson, ‘The Polynesian Foundation,’ in B.R Williams and W.H. Oliver, The Oxford History of New Zealand (1981), p. 15
[8]Roger Neich, Painted Histories: Early Maori Figurative Painting (1993), p. 89

* * Pic from NZ History